{"id":1138,"date":"2022-09-15T08:22:32","date_gmt":"2022-09-15T08:22:32","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/ivan.jan-geselle.com\/?p=1138"},"modified":"2022-11-08T11:10:22","modified_gmt":"2022-11-08T11:10:22","slug":"apurina","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/resolute-leopard-f48e03.instawp.site\/sr\/apurina\/","title":{"rendered":"Apurina"},"content":{"rendered":"

 <\/h2>\n\n\n\n
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Some argue that Apurin\u00e3 \u2013 or in its older form, Ipurin\u00e1 \u2013 is a word from the Jamamadi <\/a>language. The group\u2019s self-identification is pop\u0169kare<\/em>. Some old texts refer to the word k\u00e3kite<\/em> as self-identified. K\u00e3kite<\/em> signifies \u201cpeople\u201d but, according to some Apurin\u00e3, k\u00e3kite<\/em> simply means \u201cpeople\u201d in the sense of the human species (\u201cI saw people\u201d, just as \u201cI saw monkeys\u201d or \u201cI saw jaguar\u201d), rather than in the sense of an individual community or ethnic group.The Apurin\u00e3 language is a member of the Purus branch of the Maipure-Aruak family (Facundes, 1994). The nearest related language is that of the Manchineri , or Piro, who inhabit the upper Purus in Brazil and, in Peru, mainly the lower Urubamba valley. Some Apurin\u00e3 argue that they can also understand a little of the Kaxarari <\/a> language as the result, according to their mythology, of their joint departure from the sacred land.Location and population<\/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n

Apurin\u00e3 on river Peneri. Foto: Nietta Lindenberg Monte, 1984.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Apurin\u00e3 inhabit 27 Indigenous Lands, at differing stages of the official recognition process; twenty have been fully demarcated and registered, three have been declared to be for their sole use, and four are in the identification study phase. The total area of those Indigenous Lands fully demarcated is 1,819,502 hectares; of these two are shared with the Paumari of Lago Paric\u00e1 and the Paumari of Lago Marah\u00e3 and one with the Tora, in the TI of the same name.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The area inhabited by the Apurin\u00e3 in the 19th century was the middle Purus \u2013 from the Sepatini or Paci\u00e1 rivers to the Iaco. However the Apurin\u00e3 are traditionally a migratory people and their territory extends nowadays from the lower Purus as far as Rond\u00f4nia. There are Apurin\u00e3 areas in the municipalities of Boca do Acre, Pauini, L\u00e1brea, Tapau\u00e1, Manacapuru, Beruri, Manaquiri, Manicor\u00e9 (in the Tora Indigenous Land ), all in the state of Amazonas, as well as Apurin\u00e3 living in various Brazilian cities and a village within the Roosevelt Indigenous Land, belonging to the Cinta-Larga indians, to whom a number of Apurin\u00e3 are married.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The first naturalists, travellers and missionaries who ascended the Purus in the second half of the 19th century reported that the Apurin\u00e3, although living some distance back from the river, would come to its banks to fish and collect turtles. As non-indians began arriving, many Apurin\u00e3 retreated to the upper parts of tributary streams while others, working in the rubber estates, also lived in isolated locations.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The different environments of the Purus have greatly influenced the way of life of the Apurin\u00e3. The difference between \u201cterra firme\u201d and \u201cvargem\u201d, or areas free from and susceptible to flooding, is critical. Areas of more \u201ccentral\u201d occupation, in other words further upstream, are always terra firme. The areas along the main riverbank can be either terra firme or vargem given that the river does not always flood onto both banks.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

There are four Apurin\u00e3 communities in the municipality of Boca do Acre; three along the BR-317 road (the communities of Km 124 and Km 137, both within the BR-317 Indigenous Land , and the community of Km 45 in the Boca do Acre Indigenous Land) and the Camicu\u00e3 community in the TI of the same name located close to the town of Boca do Acre.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

According to Le\u00f4ncio, head of the community of Km 124, the three communities now located alongside the road were founded by three survivors of a measles epidemic which wiped out the original maloca (communal residence) in the region. Le\u00f4ncio\u2019s mother, Kamap\u00e3, was one of the survivors and the current village of Km 124 is named after her. Maen, another survivor, gave her name to the village of her descendents at Km 137.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It is difficult to estimate the overall number of Apurin\u00e3, or even to consider them together, as they are so dispersed. According to Funasa (National Health Foundation), there were 4,057 individuals in November 2003. In 1996 in the Pauini region alone there were 1,114 inhabitants of the demarcated Terras Ind\u00edgenas (UNI health report) and around 280 people in areas awaiting recognition (TIs Garaperi\/Santa Vit\u00f3ria\/Lago da Vit\u00f3ria\/Capira, Baixo Seruini, Baixo Tumi\u00e3, S\u00e3ko\u00e3\/Santa Vit\u00f3ria and Mamori\u00e1).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It also needs to be borne in mind that there are many references to Apurin\u00e3 living outside the recognised indigenous lands, in towns along the Purus (Pauini, L\u00e1brea, Tapau\u00e1) or in regional cities such as Rio Branco and Manaus. Many have migrated further afield, to Rond\u00f4nia or even Rio de Janeiro and Minas Gerais.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

 History of contact<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n
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Posto Ind\u00ed\u00adgena do Seruin\u00ed. Foto: acervo Museu do \u00cdndio\/SPI, 1930.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Systematic contacts between the Apurin\u00e3 and non-indians started as a result of rubber collecting. The valley of the Purus began to be explored during the eighteenth century by itinerant traders in search of the so-called \u201cdrogas do sert\u00e3o\u201d (backland products): cocoa, copaiba balsam, turtle fat and rubber. Some of these explorers took up residence and processing plants began to be established on the lower Purus. In the 1850s and 1860s a number of expedition were sent to explore and map the river. According to the reports, by this time some Apurin\u00e3 were already working for non-indians.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Purus was occupied because of rubber. Exploitation started in the 1870s and by 1880 the Purus was occupied by non-indians throughout its length. Rubber collection declined after 1910 when Asian production, against which Brazilian production could not compete, began. With no market, the rubber estates were abandoned by the owners. The seringueiros (rubber tappers) and indians remained surviving through subsistence agriculture (which had been largely forbidden on the rubber estates) and marketing other products such as Brazil nuts.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Rubber enjoyed a new boom during the Second World War. The Allies needed rubber and the Asian plantations had fallen to the Axis. Fifty thousand north-easterners, called soldados da borracha (rubber troops), were shipped to the Amazon to work as seringueiros. The rubber estates were subsequently subsidised by the government; the removal of these subsidies provoked another collapse.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Apurin\u00e3 had differing types of contact with the rubber estates: whole groups were exterminated; some sold produce to the estates; others worked as seringueiros; some became involved right at the start; others had their first contact only during the period of the soldados da borracha. Apurin\u00e3 stories tell of massacres, torture, the experience of slavery, of personal relations, of compadrio, of battles and wars over land. With the collapse of the rubber economy, no other substitute product achieved the same importance and no other system of production with similar weight was established in the region.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

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Foto: Milton Guran, 1979.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The SPI (Servi\u00e7o de Prote\u00e7\u00e3o aos \u00cdndios) maintained a post on the Seruini river, a tributary of the Purus, in the present-day municipalities of Pauini and L\u00e1brea. The Marien\u00ea post was founded in 1913, following conflicts in which around forty Apurin\u00e3 and seven rubber tappers were killed, according to contemporary news reports. The high period of the post, an establishment with production objectives, occurred during the 1920s and the early 1930s. The post subsequently entered a period of decline and there were many accusations of corruption. At the beginning of the 1940s the post was closed down. Its location is the current Marien\u00ea village in the TI Seruini -Mariene.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Marien\u00ea post brought many Apurin\u00e3 together in the same place. According to SPI ideology, its role was to bring the Apurin\u00e3 to \u201ccivilization\u201d and turn them into \u201cuseful workers\u201d for the country. Nowadays the Posto Marien\u00ea is remembered by many Apurin\u00e3 as a town where everything was organized, according to several informants. The negative side is also remembered: the corruption of the SPI agent, who retained the food supplies destined for the post and the clothes that the Apurin\u00e3 were permitted to wear only when being photographed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the period 1977 to 1979, the Funai regional office in Acre carried out the first surveys of the Pauini region. At the end of the 1970s land conflicts were beginning, fuelling a reaction on the part of the indians to land occupations and exploitation. Along the Tacaquiri river in the Pauini region, the Apurin\u00e3 residents led by Jo\u00e3o Lopes Brasil (known as Lopinho) opposed the municipality\u2019s plans to open a road through their area. In the years that followed the conflicts grew and the prospect of the road continues to be shadow hanging over the residents of the TI Peneri-Tacaquiri. In 1995 a standoff (empate) led by Lopinho thwarted another attempt by the municipality to open the road. Implicitly or openly, the indians are considered by the non-indigenous residents as responsible for the \u201cbackwardness\u201d of Pauini.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Madeireira Nacional (Manasa) logging company is another source of conflict. Occupying an enormous area that covers part of the TI Tumia , the mouth of the Seruini river and the TI Guajah\u00e3, the presence of this company and pressure it exerts led to the acceleration of the process of demarcating the TI Guajah\u00e3.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Another company able to exert pressure was Agro Pastoril Novo Horizonte or Zugmann. Located within the TI Seruini-Marien\u00ea, the company was involved in conflicts that led to the killing of Jos\u00e9 Lopes Apurin\u00e3 and left a number wounded; some permanently. The firm later appealed against the demarcation although this did not prevent the full registration of the area, as the appeal was rejected.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The process of identification of the area was begun at a period when Apurin\u00e3 political organization was still at its early stages. The Apurin\u00e3 are currently demanding those areas which have not yet been recognized, areas where they live, areas they use along the banks of the Purus and its tributaries and even the headwaters, as in the case of Tumi\u00e3, which was left out of the area demarcated. The areas of natural grassland, important because this was where the Otsamaneru<\/em>, the people who left the sacred land together with the Apurin\u00e3, had lived, were also only partially included within the limits of the area officially demarcated.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

 <\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

 Cosmology and mythology<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Who is your God? I don\u2019t know. I only know that his name is Tsora.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Artur Brasil Apurin\u00e3, M\u0169puraru<\/em>, Artur the Shaman, speaks thus about Tsora<\/em> or, in his translation: God, Jesus. Tsora<\/em> is the creator of all there is on Earth and for this reason is called God. The story of Tsora<\/em>, the story of the beginning of the world, of the start of everything, always begins in its multiple versions with Mayoroparo<\/em>, or \u201cafter the land caught fire\u201d. Mayoru<\/em> means vulture and Mayoroparo<\/em> is a monstrous woman, a hag who devoured the bones of those who disobeyed (who have soft bones) and kept the bones of those who obeyed for manioc and potato cuttings at the beginning of the world.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Tsora<\/em> is the son of Yakonero<\/em>. Each night someone came to sleep with Yakonero<\/em>. Wanting to know who the visitor was, she painted her hands with annatto and wiped them on his back. The following day it was the katokana<\/em> (the shaman\u2019s snuff pipe) that was seen to be black. Yakonero<\/em> was thus banished. On the way to her parents\u2019 house, her unborn son asked for various things. Annoyed, she beat her belly. To get his own back he gave her wrong directions to her house and she ended up at the house of the Katsam\u00e3\u0169teru<\/em>. The old woman who lived there hid her on a shelf and gave Yakonero<\/em> \u2013 pregnant and thus wanting to spit \u2013 a gourd. She spat into this until it overflowed, thus alerting the men to her presence.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yakonero<\/em> bore four sons, on the branch of a cotton bush. Tsora<\/em> was the smallest and weakest, but the smartest and most powerful. The brothers took their revenge by ambushing and killing, one by one, the killers of their mother.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The origin of everything that exists today can be explained by this story: the origin of the size of the Brazil nut tree, the origin of its sap, of the colour of the coati, the existence of several fish such as the surubim and the caparari, as well as the origin of revenge.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Tsora<\/em> created people and the different types of people, the different peoples: Apurin\u00e3, whites, other indians. He administered several tests to these peoples and the Apurin\u00e3 always did worse than other indians and than the whites. This is why, say the storytellers, that despite being \u201cthe best there is\u201d, the Apurin\u00e3 are few and divided amongst themselves.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Another extremely important story for explaining the Apurin\u00e3 today is the Sacred Land and the Otsamaneru<\/em>. The Apurin\u00e3 were immortals and lived in a land where nothing got sick, went bad or died. They accompanied the Otsamaneru<\/em>, travelling between one land of immortality and another. However they became overly enchanted with the things they found in the \u201cmortal lands\u201d lying between the sacred lands, and ended up staying in these.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Kaxararai are frequently identified as the companions of the Apurin\u00e3 on this journey. According to some accounts, the three peoples travelled together: Kaxarari, Apurin\u00e3 and Otsamaneru<\/em>. The Kaxarari were the first to become enchanted with the fruits of the \u201cmortal lands\u201d; then the Apurin\u00e3; whilst the Otsamaneru<\/em> continued on their journey.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

 Ritual and shamanism<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Apurin\u00e3 ritual celebrations, generically known as Xingan\u00e9 (in Apurin\u00e3, kenuru<\/em>) range from small nocturnal song sessions to large scale events involving invitations to several villages and offering substantial feasting, manioc wine, bananas, fruit of the patau\u00e1 palm and fuel for participants\u2019 boat travel. On some occasions these are rituals to pacify the souls of the dead, immediately after their decease or on the anniversaries. In such cases, according to Abdias, the ritual is known as isa\u0129<\/em>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A Xingan\u00e9<\/em> begins with a ritual confrontation. The guests arrive from out of the forest armed, painted and decorated. They arrive shouting. The hosts, similarly armed, go to meet them. When they meet the leaders come forward and start arguing, speaking quickly and loudly (this dialogue is called \u201ccutting sanguir\u00e9<\/em>\u201d in Portuguese and katxipuru\u00e3ta<\/em> in Apurin\u00e3), all the time with their weapons pointed at the others\u2019 chests. Behind are the other members of the group, at the ready, and with their weapons similarly pointed at those involved in the argument. When the voices are lowered, so too are the weapons, and the leaders proceed to take snuff from each other\u2019s hands.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

At the start of the argument each declares not to know the other and asks who he is. There then follows the sanguir\u00e9<\/em>, a personal speech that always closes with the confirmation of the speaker\u2019s parents and grandparents. Camilo Manduca Apurin\u00e3 summarizes it this way:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWhen you cut sanguir\u00e9 you have to recall the name of your father, mother, grandfather. What you wish to say, you have to say at the moment of the sanguir\u00e9. Whatever is going on, you have to find it out during the sanguir\u00e9\u201d.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A ritual no longer practised, but still considered very important, is that of the Kamatxi<\/em>. This celebration involves the presence of the Kamatxi<\/em>, beings that live in the stands of buriti palms and who appear on the occasion of the ritual. Flutes are used and the women have to stay enclosed in a house, forbidden to watch.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Shamanism<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The origins of illness and the shaman\u2019s cure are stones. A stone is what enables the shaman to heal and what allows him to cause illness and death. Various reports state that during the initiation of a shaman, the first step is for him to remain for months in the forest, fasting or eating very little, and chewing katsowaru<\/em>. Sexual relations also have to be avoided. When the shaman is given a stone, he inserts it into his body, as he will insert all the stones he receives or, in the future, extracts from the bodies of the sick.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A shaman heals by using katsoparu<\/em>, a leaf that is chewed, and awire, snuff. The shaman has his own katsoparu<\/em> and awire, but the person who asks for the cure is in general responsible for providing these for the occasion. The shaman should chew the katsoparu<\/em> and take a lot of snuff. Sometimes the healing is carried out in private, in the sick person\u2019s house; but often all are involved, talking and chewing, until the shaman starts the session. He heals by sucking the location of the illness. Often he will show the stone and explain the nature of the illness, how the patient acquired it and what he should do. He explains whether it the result of witchcraft or the action of an animal of the forest.  He inserts the stone into his own body and can then recommend remedies and treatments. The remedies are in general plants, but they can also be manufactured medicines from the farm\u00e1cia.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the most common problems shamans are called on to resolve is animals that pull, that carry away children\u2019s souls. There is a set of foods that a father and mother must avoid when their child is still little; until the child is around two years old. The main prohibitions are large fish and game, but also beans, alcohol, coconut, pineapple, katsoparu<\/em>, and mangoes. These last do not carry away the soul, but harm the health of the child since it will absorb the food through its mother\u2019s milk.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

During the night the spirit of the shaman will rescue the soul of the child. This is a dangerous exercise. If the shaman is weak he could, for example, become trapped at the entrance of a fish hole and die. The shaman arrives back with thunder and lightening and at his moment the child starts breathing again.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Apurin\u00e3 shaman works through dreams. In these his spirit leaves, visits other places and carries out tasks. Other spirits guide the shaman on these journeys: the animals and the chiefs of the animals (h\u00e3wite<\/em>) with whom he works. Each shaman possesses one or more of his own: the jaguar, snake or mythical mapinguari.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Another common problem, both in children and adults, is being wounded by arrows fired by animal \u201cbowmen\u201d (k\u0129puatitir\u00e3<\/em>). These are the \u201cchiefs\u201d (h\u00e3wite<\/em>). A new trail is especially dangerous. Children are bathed with the piprioca plant (kawaky<\/em>) for protection or with breast milk. Those children with least resistance to the bowmen can die as a consequence of such attacks.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

According to Ot\u00e1vio Avelino Chaves (Atokatxu<\/em>), the chiefs of animal species are themselves shamans, or at least it is as such that they talk to human shamans. One of the roles of a shaman is to overcome and control these beings; for example, causing them to stop \u2018haunting\u2019 or snakes to stop biting. What others see as animals, the shaman sees as people and some as family. The shaman protects his community against enemy stones and prevents and cures attacks from animals of the forest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

If they are strong, shamans will travel to different lands \u2013 to beneath the land where they live, to below the river, even to the sky, where Tsora<\/em> lives. The stronger the shaman, the more places his spirit is able to go to. If this is so in life, so is it also in death. Some say shamans never die, they become enchanted. Thunder is heard at the moment of a shaman\u2019s death. When old shamans died they would give precise instructions about how they should be buried, so that they could later leave their graves. In some cases shamans\u2019 graves stayed tidy. In other cases it is said that they could be found amongst herds of animals, such as peccary. The majority however go to the Sacred Land.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

 Material culture<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n
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Boca do Acre. Foto: Regina M\u00fcller, 1981.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The majority of the women make brooms (which are widely sold), as well as carrying and storage baskets. The open weave hammocks, nowadays rare, are woven from enviras (the inner bark of several different tree species).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Pottery artefacts are made from clay mixed with the powder resulting from burning the bark of the carip\u00e9 tree. Used to prevent the pottery cracking, the bark is burned and then pounded with a mortar and pestle until it becomes a powder that is sieved and mixed in with the clay. The pottery is reddened with breu (the resin of the jatob\u00e1 tree), which gives a shine to the object in a tone that varies from yellow to red. Sometimes designs are applied with water and salt after firing and before the application of the breu do jatob\u00e1.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Snuff boxes made of aru\u00e1<\/em> (snail), sernambi (rubber residues) and small metal rings are also widely used. The katokana or mexikana, tubes for inhaling snuff, are made from animal bones.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Very characteristic of traditional Apurin\u00e3 culture are the \u201cbarks\u201d (a\u00e3ta<\/em>), canoes made from the bark of the juta\u00ed tree. Nowadays these are mostly found among communities on upper stream. The juta\u00ed bark is extremely light and offers the manoeuvrability needed on small streams. Their construction involves stripping the bark from the tree in the rainy season, opening it up by heating and inserting the cross-bench with another piece of wood.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Social and political organization<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n
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Aldeia Nova. Foto: Terri Vale de Aquino, s\/d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first things that an Apurin\u00e3 from the Pauini region will explain about his people is that it is divided into two \u201cnations\u201d: Xoaporuneru<\/em> and Metumanetu<\/em>. Membership of one or other of these groups is determined by paternal lineage. Each of these \u201cnations\u201d has its own restrictions on what can and cannot be eaten: the Xoaporuneru<\/em> are not allowed to eat certain types of tinamou (inambu rel\u00f3gio and inambu macucau), while the Metumanetu are not allowed to eat peccary. Breaking such dietary restrictions will cause health problems and even death, unless there is effective treatment by a shaman (\u201cpaj\u00e9\u201d or \u201cme\u1ebdtu<\/em>\u201d).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The proper form of marriage is between a Xoaporuneru<\/em> and a Metumanetu<\/em>, since marriage within the same \u201cnation\u201d is tantamount to marriage among siblings. In fact this is the term members of the same moiety use to address each other (nutaru, \u201cbrother\u201d; nutaro, \u201csister\u201d), just as Xoaporuneru<\/em> and Metumanetu<\/em> will occasionally address each other as nukero (\u201csister-in-law\u201d) or nemunaparu (\u201cbrother-in-law\u201d). An individual\u2019s name indicates which of the \u201cnations\u201d he or she belongs to.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Among the Apurin\u00e3 in the municipality of Pauini there are regional group names, which can be those of a river or of a kinship group. Thus those from the Peneri are known as Pedro Carlos\u2019 people; those of the Seruini as Jacinto\u2019s people; those of \u00c1gua Preta as the Doctor\u2019s people. What determines the denomination is always the name of the father. In the Apurin\u00e3 language there is also identification by people: Kaikuruwakoru<\/em> (people of the caiman), Y\u00f5puruwakoru<\/em> (people of the oriole), Wawakoru<\/em> (people of the parrot), amongst many other examples.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

However in the Boca do Acre region, the shaman and chief Le\u00f4ncio gives other definitions, under which the Apurin\u00e3 are divided into four sub-groups: Xoaporuneru<\/em>, Metumanetu<\/em>, Kowaruneru<\/em> and Kaikuruwakoru<\/em>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

That which the Apurin\u00e3 nowadays refer to as a \u201ccommunity\u201d varies greatly. Sometimes a community is defined by the existence of a chief (cacique, lideran\u00e7a), a teacher or a health worker. Its spatial form can be very diverse and can include houses built around the same cleared space, a village, a dispersed set of dwellings (coloca\u00e7\u00f5es), or even any combination of these. The historical evidence suggests that Apurin\u00e3 dwellings have always been small.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nowadays the house (barraca<\/em>, paraka<\/em> or aiko<\/em>) follows the same design as that of rubber tappers: tall and raised on wooden stilts embedded in the ground. Generally speaking each house is occupied by a single family.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the \u201colden days\u201d there were large dwellings, longhouses, malocas<\/em>, aiko<\/em>. Inside these, according to some early reports, families were separated by walls of palm leaf. According to the Apurin\u00e3, there was one entrance for men and another for women. Festivities took place within the house. Generally there is a patio<\/em> (terreiro) and it is always a subject of comment when this is not kept clean. It is good to celebrate \u201cXingan\u00e9\u201d on a tidy patio. This cleared area round the house is often swept and the roots and stumps removed when there are celebrations.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A single dwelling can be that of a couple, with their sons, daughters, sons-in-law and daughters-in-law; as well as aged parents, parents\u2019 siblings, in-laws, or single or widowed relatives. A village can also be comprised by the houses of several siblings who have remained together or even by the children of these.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n\n\n\n

 Sources of information<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n
    \n
  • CUNHA, E. da. \u201cRio abandonado, o Rio Purus\u201d. Revista do Instituto Hist\u00f3rico e Geogr\u00e1fico Brasileiro<\/em>. Rio de Janeiro, 68(2), 1907.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  • EHRENREICH, Paul. \u201cViagem nos rios Amazonas e Purus\u201d. Revista do Museu Paulista<\/em>, vol. XVI: 279 \u2013 312, 1929<\/li>\n\n\n\n
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      Some argue that Apurin\u00e3 \u2013 or in its older form, Ipurin\u00e1 \u2013 is a word from the Jamamadi language. The group\u2019s self-identification is pop\u0169kare. Some old texts refer to […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"site-sidebar-layout":"default","site-content-layout":"","ast-site-content-layout":"default","site-content-style":"default","site-sidebar-style":"default","ast-global-header-display":"","ast-banner-title-visibility":"","ast-main-header-display":"","ast-hfb-above-header-display":"","ast-hfb-below-header-display":"","ast-hfb-mobile-header-display":"","site-post-title":"","ast-breadcrumbs-content":"","ast-featured-img":"","footer-sml-layout":"","ast-disable-related-posts":"","theme-transparent-header-meta":"","adv-header-id-meta":"","stick-header-meta":"","header-above-stick-meta":"","header-main-stick-meta":"","header-below-stick-meta":"","astra-migrate-meta-layouts":"default","ast-page-background-enabled":"default","ast-page-background-meta":{"desktop":{"background-color":"","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""},"tablet":{"background-color":"","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""},"mobile":{"background-color":"","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""}},"ast-content-background-meta":{"desktop":{"background-color":"var(--ast-global-color-5)","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""},"tablet":{"background-color":"var(--ast-global-color-5)","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""},"mobile":{"background-color":"var(--ast-global-color-5)","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""}},"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[1,31],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1138","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-ancient-amazonian-healing-tradition","category-indigenous-tribes"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/resolute-leopard-f48e03.instawp.site\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1138","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/resolute-leopard-f48e03.instawp.site\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/resolute-leopard-f48e03.instawp.site\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/resolute-leopard-f48e03.instawp.site\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/resolute-leopard-f48e03.instawp.site\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1138"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/resolute-leopard-f48e03.instawp.site\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1138\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/resolute-leopard-f48e03.instawp.site\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1138"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/resolute-leopard-f48e03.instawp.site\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1138"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/resolute-leopard-f48e03.instawp.site\/sr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1138"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}